Decline of capitalism, end of global growth, imperial and peripheral illusions, alternatives (On the path of global insurgency)

Decline of capitalism, end of global growth, imperial and peripheral illusions, alternatives (On the path of global insurgency)

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By Jorge Beinstein

The beginning of the 21st century signals a decisive paradox, capitalism has clearly assumed a planetary dimension but at the same time it has begun its decline. This means that the necessary overcoming of capitalism does not appear as the indispensable step to continue “the march of progress” but first of all as an attempt at human survival and its environmental context.

The bragging of the distant 1990s about the capitalist-neoliberal millennium have become historical curiosities, perhaps its last manifestations (already on the defensive) have been the media campaigns that signaled the soon end of the "financial turbulence" and the immediate return of the triumphal march of globalization.

Now, as the last quarter of 2010 begins, the optimistic expectations of the planet's high command (heads of state, presidents of central banks, fashion gurus and other media stars) are giving way to overwhelming pessimism. There is talk of the trajectory of the central economies in the shape of a W as if after the deflation that began in 2007-2008 a true recovery had occurred, which would now be followed by a second fall and at the end of which the durable expansion of the system would arrive, something like a second penance that would allow the elites to purge their (financial) sins and resume the upward path.

The "recovery" has been nothing more than a fleeting relief obtained thanks to an overdose of "stimuli" that prepared the conditions for a relapse that is predicted terrible. Because the sick person has no cure, his illness is not the consequence of an accident, bad behavior or the attack of some virus (which the super science of the most sophisticated civilization in History will be able to control sooner rather than later) but of the passage of time, of irreversible aging that has entered the senile stage.

Capitalist modernity has almost no horizon of reference, its visible future is shrinking at an unexpected speed, its possible survival appears in the form of monstrous scenarios marked by militarization, genocide and environmental destruction whose magnitude is unprecedented in human history.

Capitalism has finally become global in the strictest sense of the term, it has managed to reach the most hidden corners. In this sense, it can be affirmed that the bourgeois civilization of western roots is today the only civilization on the planet (including very diverse cultural adaptations). But the victory of globalization comes at the same moment in which its decline begins, in other words, if we look at this beginning of the century from the long term, the realization of the planetary domination of capitalism appears as the first step of its decline, in Consequently, the necessary but not sufficient condition for the emergence of post-capitalism is already installed.

We are entering a new era characterized by the cooling of global capitalism and the failures to relaunch imperialist economies that coincide with the bog down of the Eurasian colonial war. In that area, the United States and its allies are suffering a geopolitical disaster that presents in a first approximation the image of a cornered Empire. But underneath that image there is a muted process of imperialist deployment, of a new offensive supported by its military apparatus and a wide range of communicational and ideological devices that accompany it. On the fly, the United States is shaping a renewed global strategy, a state policy whose first steps were taken towards the end of the presidency of George W. Bush and which took shape with the arrival of Obama to the White House. The decadent Empire, like other decadent empires of the past, seeks to overcome its economic decline by making the most of what it considers to be its great comparative advantage: the military device. Its aggressiveness increases at the rate of its industrial, commercial and financial setbacks, its militaristic delusions are the psychological compensation for its diplomatic and economic difficulties and it encourages the development of dangerous adventures, peripheral massacres, neo-fascist emergencies.

The new strategy implies the launch of a combination of military, communicational and diplomatic actions aimed at harassing enemies and competitors, provoking disputes and destabilization, pointing towards more or less chaotic conflicts and situations capable of weakening large and medium powers and from there restoring positions of strength currently in decline. Extension of the aggression against Afghanistan-Pakistan, threats (and preparations) for war against Iran, against North Korea, provocation of contradictions between Japan and China, etc.

Also since the end of the Bush era, great offensives have been developed on Africa and especially on Latin America, the traditional backyard today traversed by left-wing governments, more or less progressive that have ended up forming a space relatively independent of the colonial master. There the North American offensive appears as a set of concerted actions with a strong dose of pragmatism destined to re-control the region. Its essence is revealed when we detect its objective, it is not now mainly about occupying markets, dominating industries, extracting financial benefits, we are no longer in the 20th century. The imperial sight points towards strategic natural resources (oil, large agricultural territories such as producers of biofuels, water, lithium, etc.), in many cases local populations, their institutions, unions and more generally the set of their social networks constitute obstacles , barriers to be eliminated or reduced to the vegetative state (in that sense what happened in Iraq can be considered an exemplary case).

It is necessary to be aware that the imperial power has launched a long-term conquest strategy of the style that it implemented in Eurasia, it is a predatory-genocidal attempt whose only comparable precedent in the region is what happened five hundred years ago with the colonial conquest. The phenomenon is so deep and immense that it becomes almost invisible to progressive gazes marveling at the easy successes obtained during the past decade. Progressives seek and seek avenues of negotiation, "civilized" balances wandering from failure to failure because the rational interlocutor to their proposals only exists in their imagination. Today the power system of the empire relies on a "reason of state" founded on despair, produced by a senile brain, ultimately a delusional reason that sees agreements, diplomatic negotiations or political maneuvers by its own allies. -footmen as open doors for your aggressive plans. The only thing that really interests him is to recover lost territories, destabilize uncontrolled spaces, hit and hit to hit again, his logic is mounted on a wave of reconquest whose magnitude sometimes often overwhelms the imperial strategists themselves (and of course a wide variety of American political leaders).

But the empire is sick, it is gigantic but it is plagued with weak points, time is its enemy, it brings new economic ills, new social degradations and it amplifies the areas of autonomy and rebellion.

Stimulus exhaustion

Towards the end of 2010 we witnessed the exhaustion of the financial stimuli launched in the central powers as of the worsening of the global crisis in 2007-2008.

The North American case has been described in a forceful way by Bud Comrad, chief economist at Casey Research: “in 2009 the federal government had a fiscal deficit of the order of 1.5 trillion (millions of millions) of dollars, for its part Federal spent about 1.5 trillion dollars to buy mortgage debt and thus prevent the collapse of that market. In other words, the government spent 3 trillion dollars to obtain a small recovery evaluated at 3% of the Gross Domestic Product, approximately 400 billion dollars of economic growth. Now spending 3 trillion dollars to get 400 billion is a lousy business ”(1).

With the “stimulus” policies (a kind of neo-Keynesian-neoliberalism), the lasting recovery of the great powers did not come, which was an avalanche of public debts: between 2007 (the last year before the crisis) and 2010 the relationship between public debt and Gross Domestic Product it will go from 64% to 84% in Germany, from 64% to 94% in France, from 63% to 100% in the United States, and from 44% to 90% in England (2).

Then what inevitably had to happen happened: the second stage of the crisis began with the outbreak of the Greek public debt that anticipated others in the European Union, affecting not only the most vulnerable debtor countries but also their main creditors to whom The threat of over-accumulation of junk credit assets was rising: towards the end of 2009 the debts of the so-called “PIIGS” (Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain, that is, the European countries exposed by the media system as the most vulnerable) towards France, England and Germany added about 2 million million dollars, equivalent to 70% of the Gross Domestic Product of France or 75% of that of England.

If the first stage of the crisis was marked by state stimuli to the private sector and the expansion of public debts, the second stage begins with the beginning of the end of state generosity (beyond some possible future desperate attempts at reactivation) , the arrival of spending cuts, salary reductions, increases in interest rates, in short the entry into an era of economic contraction or stagnation that will continue to extend over time and extend over space.

We are heading towards the cooling of the engine of the global economy, the G7 countries crushed by debt after a weak and short-lived reactivation thanks to subsidy policies. Its public and private debts have been growing until now approaching its saturation point, in 1990 the total debts of the G7 (public + private) represented about 160% of the sum of its Gross Domestic Products, in 2000 they had risen to 180 % and in 2010 they will exceed 380% (110% public debts and 270% private debts) (3).

The option they now face is simple: try to pile on more debt which would allow them to postpone the recession for a very short time (with a high probability of uncontrolled, high turbulence in the global system) or enter a recessive period as soon as possible (with hope of control) that claims to be very prolonged, in reality it is not about two antagonistic alternatives but about a single black horizon that can be reached by different paths and at various speeds.

Financial hypertrophy

The shower of stimuli, massive income transfers to the ruling elites (with rapidly diminishing returns) appears as the latest chapter in a long cycle of financial hypertrophy originating in the 1970s (and perhaps a little earlier) when the capitalist world plunged In a gigantic crisis of overproduction, it had to turn from its imperial center, the United States, to its two historical crutches: militarism and finance capital. Behind both phenomena was an old acquaintance: the State, increasing its military spending, loosening controls on financial businesses, introducing reforms in the labor market that delayed wages compared to increases in productivity.

The process was led by the hegemonic superpower but integrating the two associated sub-imperialist spaces (Western Europe and Japan). It is necessary to clarify that unipolarity in the capitalist world, with its economic, political, cultural and military consequences, began in 1945 and not in 1991, although from that last date (with the collapse of the USSR) it became planetary.

It was a change of time, a transformation that made it possible to control the crisis while degrading the system irreversibly. The central upper bourgeoisies for the most part moved to the top of speculative business, merging financial and productive interests, turning production and trade into complex networks of operations governed more and more by short-term behavior. Parasitic hegemony, a distinctive feature of the senile era of capitalism, monopolized big global businesses and engendered a subculture, in reality a disintegrating cultural degeneration based on consumerist individualism that was destroying the ideological and institutional foundations of the bourgeois order. This led to the phenomena of crisis of legitimacy of political systems and institutional apparatuses in general, and it served as a breeding ground for the mafia deformations of the central and peripheral bourgeoisies (a complex range of global lumpen bourgeoisies).

Energy ceiling and "creative destruction" (of more destruction).

From the point of view of the relations between the economic system and its material base, predation (as the central behavior of the system) began to displace reproduction. In reality, the predatory cultural core existed since the great historical takeoff of industrial capitalism (towards the end of the 18th century, mainly in England) and even earlier during the long Western pre-capitalist period. It forever marked technological systems and scientific development, beginning with its energy pillar (first mineral coal, then oil) and continuing through a wide variety of non-renewable natural resource mining operations (this predatory exacerbation is one of the distinctive features of bourgeois civilization with respect to previous civilizations), however, during the youth and maturity stages of the system, predation was subordinate to the expanded reproduction of the system.

The parasitic mutation of the years 1970-1980-1990 did not make it possible to overcome the crisis of overproduction but to make it chronic but controlled, cushioned, exacerbating the pillage of non-renewable natural resources and introducing on a large scale techniques that made possible the super-exploitation of renewable resources, violently, destroying their reproduction cycles (this is the case of agriculture based on transgenics and herbicides, such as glyphosate, which are highly destructive). This occurred when several of these resources (for example hydrocarbons) were approaching their maximum level of extraction.

The avalanche of short-termism (of the cultural financialization of capitalism) liquidated any possibility of long-term planning of a possible energy conversion, which raises the issue of the historical-civilizational viability of the conversion pathways (energy saving, energy resources renewable, etc.). Viability in the context of power relations, of industrial and agricultural structures, in short: of concrete capitalism inseparable from obtaining “profits-here-and-now” and not from the probable survival of future generations.

The technological system of capitalism was not prepared for an energy reconversion, the issue was not of priority interest to the ruling elites either (which did not prevent them from “worrying” about the problem). It is not the first time in the history of the decline of civilizations that the immediate interests of the upper classes come into conflict with their long-term survival.

The energy ceiling that the reproduction of capitalism has found converges with other ceilings of non-renewable resources that will soon affect a wide spectrum of mining activities, in addition to the wild exploitation of renewable natural resources. Thus, a scenario of general depletion of natural resources is presented from the available technological system, more specifically the social system and its paradigms, that is, of capitalism as a lifestyle (consumerist, individualist, authoritarian-centralizer, predator).

From the chronic crisis of overproduction to the general crisis of underproduction. The long cycle of industrial capitalism.

On the other hand, the crisis of natural resources inseparable from the environmental disaster converges with the crisis of parasitic hegemony. In the first decades of the chronic crisis, the financialisation process drove consumer expansion (especially in rich countries), the realization of important industrial projects and public subsidies to internal demands, of great imperialist military adventures, but at the end of the Along the way, the euphoria dissipated to expose huge mountains of public and private debt. The financial festival (which had numerous accidents on its way) becomes a financial ceiling that blocks growth.

The turbulences of 2007-2008 can be considered as the starting point of the twilight of the system, the multiplicity of "crises" that broke out in that period (financial, productive, food, energy) converged with others such as the environmental or the Industrial Complex -Military of the Empire bogged down in Asian wars. This summation of unresolved crises prevents, stops the expanded reproduction of the system.

Seen from the long term, the succession of overproduction crises in Western capitalism during the nineteenth century did not mark a simple chain of falls and recoveries at increasingly higher levels of development of productive forces, but rather that after each depression the system was recomposed but accumulating in its path increasing masses of parasitism.

Financial cancer broke out in triumph, dominant between the late 19th and early 20th centuries and gained absolute control of the system seven or eight decades later, but its development had begun long before by financing increasingly concentrated industrial and commercial structures and companies. imperialist states where civil and military bureaucracies expanded. The hegemony of the ideology of progress and of the productivist discourse served to hide the phenomenon, installed the idea that capitalism, in contrast to previous civilizations, did not accumulate parasitism but rather productive forces that, when expanding, created problems of maladjustment that could be overcome within the world system. , resolved through processes of "creative destruction". Large-scale capitalist parasitism when it became apparent was seen as a form of "backwardness" or a temporary "degeneration" in the upward march of modernity.

This ideological tide also caught a good part of the anti-capitalist (ultimately “progressive”) thought of the 19th and 20th centuries, convinced that the unstoppable current of development of the productive forces would end up confronting capitalist relations of production, jumping for on top of them, crushing them with a revolutionary avalanche of industrial workers from the most “advanced” countries, followed by the so-called “backward countries”. The illusion of indefinite progress hid the perspective of decadence, thus leaving critical thinking halfway through, removing its radicality with obvious negative cultural consequences for the movements for the emancipation of the oppressed from the center and the periphery.

For its part, modern militarism has its most recent roots in the nineteenth century, from the Napoleonic wars, reaching the Franco-Prussian war until breaking into the First World War as a "Military-Industrial Complex" (although it is possible to find important antecedents in The West in the first modern arms industries from approximately the 16th century). It was initially perceived as a privileged instrument of imperialist strategies and as an economic reactivator of capitalism, but this is only one aspect of the phenomenon that concealed or underestimated its deep parasitic nature, the fact that behind the military monster at the service of reproduction A much more powerful monster in the long term was hidden from the system: that of unproductive consumption, which causes public deficits that at the end of the journey no longer encourage expansion but rather stagnation or contraction of the economy.

Currently, the North American Military-Industrial Complex (around which those of its NATO partners are reproduced) spends in real terms more than one trillion (one million million) dollars, contributing increasingly to the fiscal deficit and therefore to the indebtedness of the Empire (and to the prosperity of the financial businesses benefiting from said deficit). Its military effectiveness is declining but its bureaucracy is growing, corruption has penetrated all its activities, it is no longer the great generator of jobs as in other times, the development of military-industrial technology has significantly reduced this function (the era of military Keynesianism as an effective anti-crisis strategy belongs to the past). At the same time it is possible to verify that in the United States there has been the integration of businesses between the industrial-military sphere, financial networks, large energy companies, mafia cliques, security "companies" and other very dynamic activities. the dominant space of the imperial power system.

Nor should the energy crisis around the arrival of “Peak Oil” (the band of maximum world oil production from which its decline develops) should not be restricted to the history of the last decades, it is necessary to understand it as a declining phase of the long cycle of modern exploitation of non-renewable natural resources, since the beginning of industrial capitalism that was able to take off and later expansion thanks to those abundant, cheap and easily transportable energy inputs, first developing the coal cycle under English hegemony in the century XIX and then that of oil under North American hegemony in the XX century. The energy cycle conditioned all the technological development of the system and expressed, it was the vanguard of the predatory dynamics of capitalism extended to the set of natural resources and the ecosystem in general.

In short, the development of bourgeois civilization during the last two centuries (with roots in a much longer Western past) has ended up engendering an irreversible process of decay, environmental depredation and parasitic expansion, closely interrelated, are at the base of the phenomenon. The dynamics of the economic development of capitalism marked by a succession of crises of overproduction constitutes the engine of the predator-parasitic process that inevitably leads to a prolonged crisis of underproduction (capitalism forced to grow-predate indefinitely in order not to perish ends up destroying its material base ). There is a perverse dialectical interrelation between the expansion of the global mass of profits, its increasing speed, the multiplication of civilian and military bureaucratic structures of social control, the global concentration of income, the rise of the parasitic tide and the depredation of the ecosystem.

This means that the necessary overcoming of capitalism does not appear as the indispensable step to continue “the march of progress” but first of all as an attempt at human survival and its environmental context.

Decline is the last stage of a long historical super cycle, its declining phase, its irreversible aging (its senility). Taking the reductionisms so practiced by the "social sciences" to the extreme, we could speak of "cycles" of different duration: energy, food, military, financial, productive, state, etc., and thus describe in each case trajectories that take off in the West between the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century with previous roots and involving growing geographic spaces until finally assuming a planetary dimension and then declining each one of them. The historical coincidence of all these declines and the easy detection of dense interrelationships between all these "cycles" suggest the existence of a single super cycle that includes them all. It is the cycle of bourgeois civilization that is expressed through a multiplicity of “aspects” (productive, moral, political, military, environmental, etc.).

Decline of the Empire, militaristic redeployment, peripheral illusions and global insurgency

The entire history of capitalism revolves since the late 18th century around first English and then American domination. World capitalism, imperialism, and Anglo-American dominance constitute a single (now decadent) phenomenon.

The systemic articulation of capitalism appears historically inseparable from the imperial articulator but it turns out that in the foreseeable future there is no new rising global imperialism, consequently the bourgeois planet is losing a decisive piece of its reproduction process. The European Union and Japan are as decadent as the United States, China has based its spectacular expansion on a great export offensive towards the now declining markets of those three central powers.

Capitalism is left adrift unless we forecast the next emergence of a kind of universal (and bourgeois) invisible hand capable of imposing order (monetary, commercial, political-military, etc.). In that case we would be extrapolating to the level of future humanity the reference to the invisible (really nonexistent) hand of the capitalist market proclaimed by liberal economic theory.

The decline of the greatest civilization that human history has known presents us with various future scenarios, alternatives of self-destruction and regeneration, genocide and solidarity, ecological disaster and reconciliation of the human being with his environmental environment. We are taking up an old debate on alternatives interrupted by the neoliberal euphoria, the crisis breaks the blockade and allows us to think about the future.

Let's go back to the initial reflection of this text: the beginning of the 21st century indicates a decisive paradox, capitalism has clearly assumed a planetary dimension but at the same time it has begun its decline.

On the other hand, one hundred years of peripheral revolutions and counterrevolutions produced great cultural changes, now in the periphery (completely modernized, that is completely underdeveloped) there is an enormous potential for autonomy in the lower classes. There is presented what perhaps too simplistically we could define as a democratic historical heritage forged throughout the 20th century. The submerged peripherals have built unions, peasant organizations, have participated in all kinds of votes, have made revolutions (many of them with socialist flags), democratizing reforms, most of the time they have failed. All this is part of his memory, it has not disappeared, on the contrary it is accumulated experience, generally processed underground, invisible to superficial observers. This has been reinforced by modernization itself, which, for example, provides it with communication tools that allow it to interact, exchange information, and socialize reflections. Finally, the general decline of the system, the possible beginning of the end of its cultural hegemony, opens a gigantic space for the creativity of the oppressed.

The Eurasian war generated an immense geopolitical swamp from which Westerners do not know how to get out, the setback has consolidated and extended spaces of rebellion and autonomy whose containment is increasingly difficult before which the Empire redoubles its threats and aggression. North Korea has not been able to be subdued like Iran, the Palestinian resistance continues and Israel, for the first time in its history suffered a military defeat in southern Lebanon, the Iraq war could not be won by the United States which poses a situation for them there where all roads lead to the loss of power in that country.

At the other end of the periphery, Latin America, the popular awakening transcends progressive governments and strategically deteriorates the few right-wing oligarchies that still control political power. El proyecto estadounidense de restauración de “gobiernos amigos” tropieza con un escollo fundamental, la profunda degradación de las élites aliadas, su incapacidad para gobernar en varios de los países candidatos al derechazo aunque el Imperio no puede (no está en condiciones) de detener o desacelerar su ofensiva a la espera de mejores contextos políticos. El ritmo de su crisis sobredetermina su estrategia regional, en última instancia no es demasiado diferente la situación en Asia donde la dinámica imperial combina la sofisticación y variedad de técnicas y estructuras operativas disponibles con el comportamiento grosero.

Si observamos al conjunto de la periferia actual desde el largo plazo histórico constataremos que de un lado se sitúa un poder imperial desquiciado enfrentado a una gigantesca ola plural de pueblos sumergidos desde Afganistan hasta Bolivia, desde Colombia hasta Filipinas, expresión de la crisis de la modernidad subdesarrollada. Es el comienzo de un despertar popular muy superior al del siglo XX.

En medio de esas tensiones aparece un colorido abanico de ilusiones periféricas fundadas en la posibilidad de generar un desacople encabezado por las naciones llamadas emergentes, fantasía que no toma en consideración el hecho decisivo de que todas las “emergencias” (las de Rusia, China, Brasil, India, etc.) se apoyan en su inserción en los mercados de los países ricos. Si esos estados que vienen practicando neokeyneesianismos más o menos audaces compensando el enfriamiento global quisieran profundizar esos impulsos mercadointernistas e/o interperiféricos se encontrarían tarde o temprano con las barreras sociales de sus propios sistemas económicos o para decirlo de otra manera: con sus propios capitalismos realmente existentes, en especial los intereses de sus burguesías financierizadas y transnacionalizadas.

A medida que la crisis se profundice, que las debilidades del capitalismo periférico se hagan más visibles, que las bases sociales internas de las burguesías imperialistas se deterioren y que la desesperación imperial se agudice; la ola popular global ya en marcha no tendrá otro camino que el de su radicalización, su transformación en insurgencia revolucionaria. Compleja, a distintas velocidades y con construcciones (contra)culturales diversas, avanzando desde distintas identidades hacia la superación del infierno. Es solo desde esa perspectiva que es posible pensar al postcapitalismo, al renacimiento (a la reconfiguración) de la utopía comunista, ya no como resultado de la “ciencia” social elitista, desde la superación al interior de la civilización burguesa a través de una suerte de “abolición suave” sino de su negación integral en tanto expansión ilimitada de la pluralidad recuperando las viejas culturas igualitarias, solidarias elevándolas hacia un colectivismo renovado.

Los movimientos insurgentes de la periferia actual suelen ser presentados por los medios globales de comunicación como causas perdidas, como resistencias primitivas a la modernización o como el resultado de la actividad de misteriosos grupos de empecinados terroristas. La resistencia en Afganistán y Palestina o la insurgencia colombiana aparecen en dicha propaganda protagonizando guerras que nunca podrían ganar ante aparatos superpoderosos, no faltan los pacificadores profesionales que aconsejan a los combatientes deponer su intransigencia y negociar alguna forma de rendición ventajosa “antes de que sea demasiado tarde” . El siglo XX debería ser una buena escuela para quienes se encandilan ante el gigantismo y la eficacia de los aparatos militares (y de los aparatos burocráticos en general) porque ese siglo vio el nacimiento victorioso de los grandes aparatos modernos como lo es hoy el Complejo Militar Industrial de los Estados Unidos y también fue testigo de su ruina, de su derrota ante pueblos en armas, ante la creatividad y la insumisión de los de abajo.

En los años 1990 los neoliberales nos explicaban que la globalización constituía un fenómeno irreversible, que el capitalismo había adquirido una dimensión planetaria que arrasaba con todos los obstáculos nacionales o locales. No se daban cuenta que esa irreversibilidad transformada poco después en decadencia global del sistema le abría las puertas a un sujeto inesperado: la insurgencia global del siglo XXI, el tiempo (la marcha de la crisis) juega a su favor. El Imperio y sus aliados directos e indirectos quisieran hacerla abortar, empezando por intentar borrar su dimensión universal, tratando mediáticamente de convertirla (fragmentarla) en una modesta colección de residuos locales sin futuro, pero esas supuestas resistencias residuales poseen una vitalidad sorprendente, se reproducen, sobreviven a todos los exterminios y cuando observamos el recorrido futuro de la declinación civilizacional en curso, la profunda degradación del mundo burgués, su despliegue de barbarie anticipando crímenes aun mayores entonces la globalización de la insurgencia popular aparece como el camino más seguro para la emancipación de las mayorías sumergidas que es a su vez su única posibilidad de supervivencia digna.

Jorge Beinstein – Primer Encuentro Internacional sobre “El derecho de los pueblos a la rebelión” Caracas 7-8-9 de Octubre de 2010, día del guerrillero heroico.


(1) Bud Conrad, “Beyond the Point of No Return”, GooldSeek, 12 May 2010

(2) “La explosión de la deuda pública. Previsiones de la OCDE para 2010”, AFP, 25-11- 2009

(3), Fuente: FMI. OCDE, McKinsey Global Institute.

Video: Richard D. Wolff - When and Why will Capitalism end? (June 2022).


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